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The previous instructions from the professor to this essay were the following:

“There will be no questions as such; you write on an aspect of the issue that interests you. Drafts should be around 1000 words in length.”


– give your essay a catchy title

– include at least ONE citation from the book STRANGE REBELS and citations from among the links:





Now I need to fix what I uploaded and the new instructions are:







Redefining Solidarity in Modern Poland.

The exploration of the concept of solidarity in Poland captures the differences between the pre-1989 society that is depicted as unified and engage and the post-1989 society that is viewed as passive and divisive. An aspect that defines Poland is its citizens struggle to fight against communist power through “solidarity.” However, competing political inclinations are always trying to shape the values of “solidarity” as a means of creating political capital. Thus, the internal push and pulls have resulted in expansive debates about the nature of Poland. Hence, modern solidarity of the country can only be understood through examining the forces pegged on the former communist regime against the back drop of those that are connected to the opposition.

During its early days, the “solidarity” philosophy played a significant role in shaping the course of modern day Poland. The creation of trade union by workers with the aim of uniting their forces was vital in the establishment of the “solidarity” party and movement that defied the martial law, which was imposed in 1981. Although the state was crumbling slowly, it is the continued opposition of its ideologies that engineered its eventual downfall. The 1989 election is the most memorable event in Poland for its decisive impact. According to George Weigel (2019) {As things turned out, Solidarity candidates won 99 out of the 100 contested seats in the newly-created Polish Senate and swept all the contested seats in the lower house of parliament. That overwhelming victory on June 4, 1989, turbo-charged the decade-long process of change ignited in east central Europe by Pope John Paul II’s 1979 pilgrimage to his native land.} Thus, it implied the beginning of a new era and the embracement of unlikely premises.

Contrary to the 1989 vision, workers’ rights in the supposedly free Poland are currently viewed as a liability towards the achievement of capitalistic goals. The government has already forgotten that it is the union’s fights and defiance character that resulted in the modern day Poland. However, it is notable that the present leaders only consider the anti-communist movement engineered thirty years ago as the only acceptable and legitimate form of “solidarity.” According to Joanna Plucinska and Anna Wlodarczak-Semczuk (2019) {Since it won power in 2015, PiS has repeatedly accused liberal governments that ruled Poland since the collapse of communism in 1989 of failing to conduct “the politics of history” effectively, allowing young Poles to forget patriotism.} The idea of creating an inclusive state that meets the needs of the working class is no longer the government’s agenda. Instead the use of blame games and dictatorial tactics has become the most effective tool of shielding owners of means of production from employees that agitating for their rights. The government believes hardworking workers are an impediment, obstacle, and hindrance in achieving the capitalistic goals; therefore, they must be removed.

Presently, the ruling class has positioned itself as the sole owners of the “solidarity” narrative. Thus, they have the ultimate power to decide whether or not citizens can be allowed to participate in it at least through the yearly anniversaries. Throughout the year, they back employers’ organizations and complain about “beggars” that have refused to work hard to earn a living. Thus, in modern day Poland, the beneficiaries of the old solidarity myth are the defenders of owners of means of production and not the employees. According to Wojciech Sadurski (2019) {Second, the party has marginalized rival players. It has used its parliamentary power to restrict the opposition’s role in making laws. It has state media to ridicule and demonize members of the opposition. It has used defamation laws to silence its critics.} Hence, citizens are always encouraged to focus on fighting the crisis to bolster national production. Invoking the 1980s solidarity has been used as a strategy of blocking current solidarity from getting any support.

In modern Poland, workers are depicted as the enemies of the state. They are painted as allies to the communist regime because they are demanding for social rights that are perceived to be burdensome to the economy. Initially, workers protests were supported by conservatives and Catholics; however, they later withdrew. According to Marc Santora (2019) {Today Poland is split between supporters of the nationalist, autocratic model of the ruling party, and those favoring the ideals of liberal democracy embodied in the European Union. Elections later this year could decide which path the country pursues.} There is no commonality of agenda as various groups pull out or support contradictory views. The Law and Justice party (PiS) suggests that it will prioritize increasing the minimum wage and raising taxes for entrepreneurs. The move is designed to act as sedation to young revolutionaries that believe the country needs more changes. Exclusion of workers from vital decision making organs is an indication that their contributions are not necessary.

Both the government and the opposition understand that Poland’s future course is greatly influenced by its 1980 solidarity narrative (Santora, 2019). Lech Walesa was the designer of the solidarity movement, which later uprooted communism. His view to restructure the economic system was viable; however, his successors forgot that change is inevitable and must be welcomed. The rigidity of the current regime is slowly shifting the government towards authoritarianism tendencies whereby it has strengthened its attachment to the courts, the media, and enterprises owned by the state. According to Caryl (2014) {Some of the shipyard workers took up the call but just as they were about march out of the yard, others stopped them reminding them of what had happened ten years earlier. In 1970 workers along the Baltic Coast including those at the Lenin Shipyard had also announced for a strike.} The intensified strikes and protests are inclined towards reigniting the country’s historical memory. The current generation has the duty of exploring the challenges faced by Poland’s democracy.

In conclusion, modern Poland is more divided and politically dishonest against the wishes of the founders of the solidarity movement. The “solidarity” philosophy was designed to ensure that all citizens were united and worked towards a common goal. However, the current regime has reversed the gains of the initial objectives.

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